Abstract
The objective of this thesis is to determine if the one-child policy, enacted as a fertility limitation in 1979, (Wan, Fan, Lin, & Jing, 1994) has affected Confucian family practice in China. It is proposed that because certain aspects of Confucian heritage are specific to sibling relationships decreasing family size as a result of the policy warrants investigation.
The case study method has been used in which the primary research source were Ethnographic interviews, conducted in China. Respondents were asked about their views on changing family sizes, Confucian practice, roles in the family, and their feelings about generational differences or similarities. A variety of interviews were conducted with youths from single-child families, youths from sibling households, as well as parents and grandparents. The findings from these interviews were compared and contrasted with previous studies on one-child policy effects in China. A theory was developed in order to give additional insights into existing literature, so that converging lines of inquiry could be drawn.
Within the theoretical framework, aspects of the Chinese cultural context were taken into account, and integrated. This included the use of Pierre Bourdieu's (1977) Theory of Practice, George Mead's (1934) Symbolic Interactionism, and pragmatic thought. Insights from these areas were combined in order to give greater depth of understanding to possible social changes.
The results indicate that for single and sibling youth, Confucian inspired practice remains an important part of their lives. There was no perceived difference in the strength or commitment these youths had for the Confucian inspired practice of filial piety. There were, however, certain aspects of only youths responses that indicated their sense of filial piety was more emotionally focused and less compliance based. Future responsibility for care of parents also meant some only youths saw themselves as their families hope, indicating a somewhat stronger sense of obligation for only children. Policy effects on gender relations were also important. Opportunities for females were found to be greater due to the absence of brothers to compete with. Another significant finding was that Confucian naming practices are still relevant for Chinese youth, although not necessarily recognised as such. Evidence of this was found with respect to those from both sibling and single child backgrounds. Certain sibling youths did identify the significance of brotherhood or sisterhood in relation to Confucian practice.
One of the most interesting findings pertains to how traditional Confucian practices are mediated through personal contexts and changing social conditions whilst also retaining distinct traditional elements. This finding has been made productively clear through the use of a praxis-centred account of human agency, informed by the work of Bourdieu, and pragmatic thought, which will be useful to researchers and sociologists interested in Chinese culture.
The conclusion of the study is that the one-child policy has not led to a decline in Confucian practice; rather it has contributed to a remediation of this dynamic. Subsequently, for sibling and singleton youth, the degree to which Confucian practice held significance did not differ, yet the direction and value of these practices had varying foci. For siblings, responsibility for younger brothers or sisters meant a relatively multidirectional focus, whilst for single youths, the prospect of future care of parents without sibling support was significant.